V III, Ronzitti N. Momtaz D. I 4 : Terrorisme international. Ravillon L. Giroux E. Mathien M. Transports internationaux. Cachard O. Fedi L. Mabile S. Pouleur Y. Dinh E. Ascensio H. Frouville O. Malavat B. Scalia D. Infractions internationales. I 5 Secteurs particuliers — Esclavage infra J. Grynfogel C.
VII Communications 1. Drogue V. Royer G. Tenenbaum A. Divers V. Entraide judiciaire. Hama K. III 9, Mer, H. Maljean-Dubois S. Oraison A. Seroussi R. Zammit N. Burelli T. Dufour G. Hermitt e M. Changements climatiques. Van trien L. Faune et flore — Ressources naturelles. Berthelot P. Dubuy M. Kharouf-Gaudig R. Pollution — Produits dangereux. Bourrel M. Guevremont V. Vatna L. Catastrophes naturelles.
VII 1. Barro R. Jegourel Y. Laidi A. Nicolas F. Mohamed Salah M. Dette : qui tranche? La crise, comment la raconter dossier , Esprit, juin , pp. Avout L. Kenfack H. Marchand A. Mousseron J. Ouellet R. ACDI, , pp. Saerens P. Gherari H. Illy O. Tomkiewicz V. Agriculture, Produits de base V. Adam E. Muss elli I. Courme B. Produits industriels V. Patrimoine culturel. Services d Technologies sensibles d Debucquois C. Protection et garanties internationales Bonomo S. VII 2 c1 : contrats.
Koch D. Bouriche M. Berheim -van de Cast eele L. Debourg C. Latt y F. Audit M. Ben Hami da W. Beyneix I. Boucobza X. Draeta U. Francarbi M. Geisinger E. Giardina A. Kharton J. Onguene Onana D. Trari-Tani M. Ziade G. OMC V. Maddalon P. Ruiz Fabri H. Chambre de commerce internationale. Manciaux S. Prezas I. Bayo Bybi B. Gamaleu Kameni Ch. Maisonneuve M. Mayer P. Ben Mansour A. Guillaume G. Sauron J. Weckel Ph. Azari H. Doussis E. Fleury T. Nicaragua mesures conservatoires, AFDI, , pp.
Geslin A. Jacob P. Kohler C. Runavot M. Tall S. Ascensi o H. Blaise N. Calvo-Goller K. Paris, Lextenso, , p. Diomande A. Elassal E. Est upinan Silva S. Falkowsk a M. Fernandez J. Forti n E. Nga Essomba S. Robert-Cuendet S. Adam S. Berr C. Coutron L. Grozdanovski L. Neframi E. Simon D. Afroukh M. Blay-Grabarczyk K. Chappez J. Costa J. Ducoulombi er P. Fourment F. Gilles D. Gonzalez G. Krenc F. Lamb ert-Abdelgawad E. Laval P. Lecuyer Y. Marguenaud J. Szymczak D. Tulkens F. II 2 : fonction publique internationale. Bodeau-Livinec P.
Barsac T. Cataleta M. Loquin E. Nederlandt O. Aloupi N. Andenas M. Delebecque P. Domi no X. Dubos O. Hagueneau-Moizard C. Klein M. Matringe J. Maziau N. Tricoit J. Van Ert G. Boniface P. Bonnaure P. Boyer B. Bresson D. Fabre H. Henry A. Neri K. Tercinet J. Briss et J. Sartre P. Bord B. De Neve A. Mouvements pacifistes. Terrorisme international.
Lagdami K. Mouangue Kobila J. Van Steenberghe R. Peyro Llopis A. Mesures coercitives. Lagerwall A. Vinuesa R. III : Emploi de la force et N. Bases militaires. III : Emploi de la force, N. II 6 : Europe et N. Chillaud M. Guilhaudis J. Rayroux A. III : emploi de la force, M. I relations impliquant la France, N. II 2 : Afrique. Amvane G. Ayissi A. Boone Ph. Brice Bado A. Mbuta W. Pascallon P. Plagnol H. Ntle, , p. III : emploi de la force, N.
I : relations impliquant la France, N. II 4 : Asie. Schaeffer D. II : relations politiques. Chapleau P. Eudeline H. Kurm G. Nougayrede N. Rietik er D. Sitt B. Valensi E. Gib lin B. Tougas M. Vicky A. Crimes de guerre. Anderson N. Aspremont J. Bettati M. Hafner G. Une clarification terminologique, AFRI, , pp. Jeangeme Vilmer J. Koutroulis V. Muyambi Dhena P. Owona J. Vilmer J. Novoss eloff A. Owona Mfegue F.
Laffont, , p. Brabandere E. Dubuisson F. Prochor A. Lagane G. Benraab M. Corm G. Feuerst oss I. Filiu J. Galabov A. Grig non J. Guetta B. Kienle E. Laacher S. Paris, Buchet-Chastel, , p. Liedo J. Poniatowski A. Regourd S. Valter S. Onde de choc syrienne, Monde dipl, avril , pp. Sur les braises du printemps arabe, Monde dipl, novembre , pp.
Un printemps arabe? Kumaba Mbuta W. Cott ereau G. Battist ella D. Beauchesne B. Braillard Ph. Colin J. Defay A. Degeorges D. Dieckhoff M. Drain M. Though the French Mandate authorities were concerned with the architectural heritage in Syria through issuing developed protection legislations; working on making new master plans for the cities outside the centres of the great historic cities such as Damascus and Aleppo whereas securing the existence of an isolated areas around them and planning new districts according to modern European concepts. However, this has not been applied to small cities where French.
However, the French interests have been clearly shown in architectural heritage through the establishment of centres for oriental studies which worked on the study and documentation of many of it. They were transferred through the architecture of mosques, religious schools, Khans, public fountains, Tkiyyeh mosques etc.
First of all, and in the spirit of the belief-desire model, some of the terms listed there are naturally understood as being equivalent to the way the term desire has been used throughout this document. But of course Poland is not so weak as you sometimes seem to think. Alexas Fotos. Pouleur Y. Si je ne suis donc un admirateur de M. Is its prestige so important for Russia?
Of paramount importance is the large inclination towards ornamentation arabesque by using Arabic lines and geometric and plant ornamentation. Moreover, it could be noticed that many of the Ottoman architecture had relied on the original bases in the Syrian traditional architecture especially the architecture of palaces such as Azem Palace which was an Ottoman example for the Arabic House with all its parts and functions but with Ottoman aesthetic features. Thus a new phase of architecture has started which relied on new techniques in planning and regulations outside the historic cities that could be described with openness to the exterior world and interest in facades and public facilities in addition to the emergence of new types of buildings that accompanied the new requirements of this boom.
XIX, una de las dedicaciones principales a las que se han dedicado los esfuerzos en la materia. En el. Demet Ulusoy Binan, Assis. Mevlude Kapti, Assis. As a result of cultural heritage inventory that has been accomplished in Bergama, the changes in the traditonal houses throughout time have been examined in either building or district scale. This examination has made it possible for us to evaluate the development of traditional civil architecture for Western Anatolian Houses with the example of Bergama.
The houses that have one-storey have been built surrounding a courtyard that is used as a common circulation area and an atelier. The living space of these houses apart from the service area such as the barn, the storage and the kitchen consists of a room with an open sofa as the main unit. The traditional houses we have seen in Bergama are built with a mixed construction system where solid masonry and timber frame construction are used together. The houses are not directly opened towards the street, their connection and direction to the street is through the courtyard.
These are houses that are surrounded with high walls, connected to the street through the courtyard door. Bergama settling districts divided in accordance with the ethnical and religious principles and that each group to be settled within its borders. Eldem , Arel , The plan typology has been formed according to the location and shape of the sofa. This kind of typology makes it possible to make an evaluation including the whole elements that make up the planning. Fine Arts Faculty Pub. Bergama Municipality Cultur Pub.
I, Xian —China, p Mut is the only town of Mersin which is not on the coast of Mediterranean Sea. Surrounded by the mountains, the town is locted on the lowest part of Taseli Plateau. This road connecting the two regions is located on an important geopolitical, strategical and commercial part of the region. One of them is Mut town, an important settlement since prehistoric times especially with its geographical position in the area. Since January 3, the town is under the regime of Turkish Republic. The traditional settlement.
Today, the amphitheatre is the only remaining ruin of the ancient settlement. Other traces of the ancient city dissapeared during the construction of new houses. The castle is located on a hill on south-western part of the city. Today, only the inner castle and a donjon from outher castle is existing. The Stone Khan is one of the major buildings in Mut. Its function for accomodation was changed into commercial use due to the economic needs of the town.
One or two storeyed small shops around the streets built the commercial area. The architectural characteristics of the commercial area shows that commercial activities were limited accoding to the needs of the inhabitants. Today, the authentic architectural characteristics of the shops are still existing in rare examples. Like in similar small towns in Anatolia, in Mut the settlement is formed in neighbourhoods, which is the smallest unit, around the mosque. Blocks of buildings surrounded by organic formed streets or axial main roads are usually crossing in a square.
Traditional Mut Houses The basic elements forming the location and creating the traditional fabric are topography, climate, traditional way of living and traditional building elements and constructions. Also the fragments and use of spolia of the ancient city Claudiopolis represents an important factor which created the authentic fabric of the town. This main plan type has one interspace called sofa hall and two living rooms on both sides.
The houses are usually one or two storeyed. The entrance is from the street or from the private gardens of the houses. The entrance leads to the sofa hall which is the center of the house. The stairs in two storeyed houses are outside the house due to the convenient climatic conditions.
In time, the dimensions of the sofa was changed, two more rooms were added to the sofa, or three rooms around the sofa were formed as a transfomation of the basic plan type. In new neighbourhoods, there are examples with centered sofa or T- type sofa plan types and also with stairs inside the house.
In traditional Mut houses the plain order is organized for covering the needs in daily life. The thick walls have the number of windows according to the structure. The wooden beams over and unde the windows are not plastered. In some examples beams carry wooden shelves. Between the rooms and sofa hall, there are cm depth wooden wall cupboards are placed instead of interior walls. A narrow entrance door is in the middle of them.
Many of the cupboards can be used from both sides. Fragments of the ancient constructions were found on the ground or in the foundation pits when the house was built. In the gardens of the houses these fragments are used as decorative elements or garden furniture or exhibited. It symbolises the layers of the town as a palimsest. AREL, Mehlika, Necati, On the corners ashlar strengthens the structure. Very rare examples of wooden shutters used in earlier periods exist today. In some buildings metal or wooden knotted grilles were used.
The buildings have prismatic masses. If used, braces are wooden or spolia from ancient coloumns. The earthen roof covering is characteristic for the region. The binding element for the masonry construction is mud mortar. The mortar contains water, clay and straw. Wooden horizontal beams are placed every cm3. On the wood, cm thick white and red earth is spreaded out.
The earthen layer is pressed with a special cylindirical stone4. The same technique is used for the earthen roof coverings. On roofs, additionally rock salt is spreaded out against splits and cracks. Also the needs of modern life caused changes in spatial organization. Altough the traditional fabric is partly demolished, Mut still has a large amount of traditional houses and an urban fabric with authentic elements.
The fabric and single houses have still values and authenticity as a part of architectural heritage. The craftsmen still working with the traditional building materials and construction systems used in the region since the s, created a continious tradition preserved until today5. The main issue threathening the multi-layered fabric is that planning and preservation policies are far behind the rapid urbanization in the area. These issues clarify that against damage and destruction threathening the traditional fabric, an integrated conservation policy should be supplied better to preserve the mult-layered heritage in the town.
William, These two beams are binded with thin wooden elements. In some buildings a stone the construction date and name of the crafsman are written, is placed on the wall. Abdel Hakim Al Husban Dr. He graduated from the University of Bordeaux-France. He is interested in the tribal phenomenon in Jordan and the oral traditions in Jordan as well. Furthermore he participated in many research projects on Jordanian society and culture. Reconstruction of socio-historical context means the gathering of all information and factors through which one can weave overall causal relationships and narratives and forming and reconstructing a total image or picture about the cultural narratives which prevailed in the Village with their multiple economic, social, political, administrative, and ideological realities.
Therefore, the main objective of this study is to reconstruct the cultural and socio-historical reality of the Village through the studying of its architecture. This can be made possible through the analytical analysis of the discursive practices produced by some of the Village residents who had lived part of their lives in the Upper Quarter. The historical period that is needed or can be constructed will be determined by the ability of oral traditions and oral memories of the residents which can go back to about years in time.
Therefore, one is talking about the era stretching between the middle of the 19th century and the time when the Village was evacuated from its residents. While the Oral memory of the residents extends back for not more than two centuries, it is worth it to mention that Ottoman Salnamat year books talks about the presence of a human settlement in the Village during the 15th and the 16th centuries. The older name of the Village Mkeis was present in three other Ottoman administrative records tabu difters and that books for registering land.
The Economic Organization : The economy of the Old village rests on a group of natural, climatic, geopolitical, and demographic characteristics. The location of the Village closer to the Jordanian Valley shafa ghoriah grants is a moderate climate during the summer and winter and a substantial amount of rain every year. Furthermore, the natural topography of the Village grants it a useful diversity in terms of activities related to agriculture and peasantry fellahi and grazing of animals. In addition, there are a lot of wild plants that are used by the local community in their own food and also in the food of their animals.
The main characteristics of this peasant economy are: 1. It is an economy that goes beyond a simple primitive economy which aims to simply insure basic needs subsistence economy but at the same time it is not a full agricultural economy that thrives to produce the maximum market surplus possible. It is an economy that thrives to satisfy the social rather than the economic desires with people.
So, instead of concentrating on what is called cash crop system, the concentration was on the produce which helped in the social production of family and of Village as a whole. Therefore, complicated technology is not really utilized here. Water usually plays an important factor in any peasant community. Every courtyard used to contain at least one of water well. Also, they talk about residents from the Village traveling into Palestine to work for wages or to get medical treatment or to seek entertainment. It is important to make clear that the form of social groupings in terms of social units had progressed in a way to match the economic and peasantry needs.
One can say that an understanding of the peasantry economic structure and also the architectural and spatial structures of the Village in addition to the social groupings cannot be understood in isolation but in a totality of these three interrelated systems. Furthermore, there are certain economic activities dealing with production, distribution, and consumption that took place in these houses and courtyards.
The house provided a certain kind of warm existence to the nuclear family proving a certain level of privacy to be able to produce and raise children. The common courtyard spaces such as the hosh, madafa, oven, kitchen, storage, and other spaces such as the animals din facilitated the reproduction of the economic system for the group. Each courtyard can be seen as a consuming unit where the spatial organization within played an important role in facilitating the processes of consumption. It extends beyond the nuclear and the extended family. The notion of the clan did satisfy certain needs and became very visible in certain contexts such as protection.
It should be understood that in such a village community like the one at Mkeis, kinship ties play a very important role and the enticer of a lot of economic, social, political, and emotional relationships. The previous elements illustrates the nature of the power network prevailing. This type of social grouping extends beyond the nuclear family but still is much less complicated than the clan.
It could be considered as a form of an extended family a number of nuclear families sharing the space of a courtyard hosh. It is obvious that the one courtyard can provide a shared kitchen,. La plupart de ces ruines se trouvent encore dans les couches au sous-sol. Erzen, , p. Bilgili, , p. Generally, the traditional markets through time are facing many changes, demolitions, damages and negligence, in the face of these challenges; these markets were renewed over time.
He Obtained a Master degree in built environment and Bachelor in town planning. He has an interest on: Urban Design and planning, city and regional development, conservation and restoration, Islamic architecture and arts, architectural education Address: Sri Tioman 2 Taman Melati Gombak KL -Malaysia E-mail address: dilmi1 yahoo.
The international trade and commerce stimulated economic activities in historic cities where many markets were erected to accommodate such commercial activities. The traditional markets functioned socially, economically as well as politically, and had a crucial role in the daily life of people. However, these markets followed certain logic in accommodating activities and goods that sold there.
Next to them, was a market for expensive clothes, such as gold-embroidered clothes al-serrajin , and where leather merchants including shoemakers sold their goods. There were locksmiths zankat al-ferrag , shoemakers zankat al-bashmaggia , gold melting and molding zankat al-dhwwaba , and jewelers zankat alSiagha. However, the type, location and spatial structure of markets in Casbah city, was similar to other historic cities of the Muslim world such as Fez, Cairo, Istanbul, and Aleppo.
Thus, the markets dealing in retail trade have generally appeared to be located on the primary streets, while wholesale activities occupied areas close to the entrance gates. Shops providing goods and provisions and services for the daily needs of people, such as food sellers, tailors often located on secondary streets near residential areas. In addition, there were numerous sellers on the street aligned along the main street selling food, small items and other low quality goods. The traditional markets were transformed into an arcaded boulevard; some of the traditional buildings were demolished and replaced by apartment blocks.
Since Independence, the Casbah, has experienced changes of commercial development. This is mainly the result of an expanding population and a consequent increase in demand for more commercial buildings. In addition, the concentration of the low-income population in the city also has been a factor in the proliferation of shops and smallscale manufacturing units. Though the number of commercial buildings is quite large in the city of Casbah, many of them are worthy of preservation.
The deterioration of old buildings in Casbah is common, as in other historic cities. The main reasons were natural decay, old age, the building neglect, human action, lack of awareness, and inadequate maintenance. More recently, the traditional markets in Casbah have been selling products and goods which are produced in workshops and factories outside the city.
The goods and products are transported to Casbah initially by heavy trucks, and hand drawn carts to the markets inside the historic city. The narrow streets in Casbah are causing the congestion in the traditional markets. This situation demands more adequate space in the traditional city. The lack of public amenities, such as toilets and rest places, is another factor responsible to some extent for making these traditional markets less attractive than they might be for shoppers. The concentration of low income families in Casbah city and their need to generate more income has led to an increase in production activities, which generally occur within or close to the residences, such as the adjacent street space.
Such activities frequently generate noise, obnoxious smells and solid waste. The emphasis in such policies appears to be in the restoration of such elements rather than improving the whole image of the city. Thus, these recommendations are as follows: 1. There should be a separate body with members from all sections of society, such as architects, conservationists, members of trade associations and residents to implement these plans and should be established by government. The Government. In order to preserve the pedestrian scale of Casbah, Algiers, vehicles should not allowed to enter traditional markets streets other than the main street.
Parking areas, loading and unloading spaces should be reserved nearby the traditional market area for the use of the workers and visitors. In order to improve the quality of built environment cleanliness of the traditional markets, a concern should be given by shoppers, workers and users. Traditional markets in historic cities are places of great interest to tourists; tourism may serve to revive the economic life of the historic city by encouraging artisan activities.
Said Ennahid B. Ennahid aui. This project uses a multidisciplinary approach which combines archaeology, architecturalurban history, and documentary and photographic evidence to gain the broadest chronological and empirical scope possible from the 8th century to the present.
A typical traditional house is built around a central courtyard with a series of rooms opening into it via a portico. This is a plan that has not changed since early Islamic times as attested by documentary and archaeological evidence. This latter is not however a purely Islamic creation5.
This type of plan is ideal for providing the Muslim family with secure and, above all, private space. In a previous work, I examined in greater detail the architectural, urban, and socio-cultural implications of traditional architecture Ennahid a. Two good examples are 1 the Islamic house in Lixus medieval Tushummush 6 made of a series of rooms with plastered walls opening into a porticoed courtyard with a central basin. For the early Islamic period, the house excavated at al-Basra 9thth centuries A. At medieval Qsar es-Seghir 12th 15th centuries A.
Only house size, building material and decorative techniques show some. To keep prices low, several of the classic features of traditional architecture e. The question now is 1 What are a the theoretical and empirical models of reference and b the architectural-urban repertoires e. Cressier and M. GarciaArenal, pp. Colin, Paris. Morocco in the last 50 years since independence in and more. British Archaeological Reports: International Series Archaeopress, Oxford. Source: Redman Hazan, Paris. The Journal of North African Studies 7 3 Encyclopaedia of Islam, Vol.
VIII: Academic Press, New York. Source: Ennahid a See Revault et al. Figure 2: Medieval al-Basra: A house complex with three rooms and a bent-axis entryway. Source: Benco Figure 4. Source: Addoha, Notes and photographic images. Giovanna Brambilla Architetto, nata nel in Sicilia.
RC Italia E-mail: isigio67 tiscalinet. The Mediterranean Sea and the circuit of lands surrounding it. Place of blending and clash between cultures, between east and west, north and south of the world. The Mediterranean Sea has always occupied a central role in relation to the know world. The Mediterranean and he Sicilian history, culture and urban events are a very unique condition. Habitat in order to create the most suitable conditions of habitability.
The choice of the settlements where the research has been conducted has been determined by the necessity to point out the variety of urban and cultural experiences in the islands. There are twenty centres distributed whitin the three valleys Val di Mazara, di Noto, Demone. The centres analysed through: 1. The chronology of the urban processes;. For each centre we pointed out the methods of settlement in relation to the orographical structure and the location within the territory.
The main connecting roads and the imprint given by the buildings, the layouts and the juctions of the consolidated urban design. This structure is based on the hierarchic interrelation of the road routes from the main ones shari to the secondary darb and to the dead end alleys azzikka. All the centres of the Val di Noto we analysed carry a distinctive character that started with the catastrophic events of the earthquake. The reconstruction that followed brought a series of new experiences in the architectural and urban planning of great value not only for the Sicilian experience but also for the European architectural culture.
These new settlements show an accentuated regularity in their structure straight roads, blocks, rectangular squares and a strong monumental characterisation of the public buildings churches and castles that powerfully rise above the uniform network of the low classes. Very often, within the blocks, the traditional network of alleys and courtyards, of islamic origins, is maintained. These stages are: a. Establishment of the recognition b. Growth of the recognition c. Crisis of the recognition e. Materials of a limited recognition and traces of a continuity of the recognition.
Each stage has its own motivations, logics, values and characteristics which will be described and visualised with designs and images of some of the centres analysed. The settlement, strictly related to the territory, after the events of the medioeval urban planning, developed with a road network shaped in a orthogonal axis and regular blocks where the main architectural and urban developments of the XVI century emerged: the castle to the south, the market to the north, the cathedral to the west, the convent of St Francis to the east. The principles in the urban organisation are still visible nowadays.
ERICE image2 The residential area, entirely contained within a triangular perimeter, maintains, in the road network and the architecture of the buildings, the original characteristics of the medieval settlements. For long time the settlement loses its importance until he Arab conquest in , when it I given the new name of Gebel-Hamed. The urban settlement develops along via Regia, which splits into the direction of the Loggia and the Church of St. The most original characteristics of the islamic urbanisation is linked to the Network of social relations organised in a diametrically opposite way compared to the Greek-Roman heritage.
Architect, Doctoral graduate in Urban planning and Environmental project. She belongs to the teaching body of the Doctorate in Planning of the Mediterranean City. The essential urban structure is mainly made up of social relation spaces and the places consecrated to exchange, situated in the most central urban areas.
Entire business quarters, as in Istanbul, Bursa and Cairo, are real historic citadels situated in the centre of settled city, with monumental. The work emphasizes the importance of the processes of trade reorganization to ensure complexity and vitality of important fragments of urban tissue; whereas the deterioration of the local commercial networks may cause the decline of entire urbanized areas.
The study of spatial and organizational phenomena of the spaces devoted to trade is of crucial importance to appreciate the Mediterranean city and cast our mind into a sort of planning aware of meanings and identities. The spaces actually devoted to trade should be considered within the more complex system of the exchange spaces.
Also the historical and current settling of foreigners should be taken into account in order to understand properly the basis on which the equilibriums of multi-ethnic towns were realized and also in order to project ancient achievements towards the new desires for city, which our contemporary reality still does not seem ready to satisfy.
The case of Istanbul may be considered emblematic because of the number and the quality of its trade structures: three bedesten, more than a hundred han, turned into laboratories, small manufacturing factories, retail and wholesale outlets and a huge number of weekly markets. Quarter Bazar is the structural settlement and has such a distinctive value in the urban settlement form that it creates a trade city within the heart of the old town of Istanbul.
It is the widest urban quarter fully devoted to trade in the Mediterranean area and still today it is integrally keeping its functions. The historical identity of a lot of towns in Maghreb - such as Fez, Algiers, Tunis and Tripoli, sharing a culture based on the Berber civilization and on its ups and downs in opposing the supremacy desires of Spain, the Near East, the Arab World and the Ottoman Empire - is just concentrated in their medina. Today the Associations for the Protection of the Medina are just aiming at the revitalization of trade spaces constituting the arteries and the main polarities of the compound urban patrimony.
After epochs of neglect, now the trend seems to give them back to the city in its quality of organized body keeping its deepest identity characters, trough the preservation of the complexity of the residential, commercial and artisan tissue, the restitution of the primitive functions and the training of skills left to local competent craftsmen. They are made up of the great areas equipped for. The rare Italian shopping arcades were built towards the end of the 19th century, inspired to the Parisian passages and to the London arcades, with soft and well-lit ceilings in glass and iron.
The traditional ancient forms of street trade were revalued only recently, because they have been hindered for decades by the local governments which judged them hardly manageable and considered them as trouble elements for the urban functions. The historic market and food supplies squares have been equally neglected for a longtime. The recent rehabilitation of the historic Piazza delle Vettovaglie in Pisa seems a good example.
The covered markets also seem to be the object of new attentions with good rehabilitation interventions like the one of Leghorn, built in and recently restored. All this aims at maintaining the value of the built-up areas and at pursuing the main purpose of the common interest in terms of consumer protection. All this created some forms of internal resistance to the trend of devoting the great historic trade spaces to the tourist sale, often of industrial production. This principle was worth in the European cities of the Middle Ages and it still survives in the local markets or in the thematic street markets; it has been new overturned in the modern criteria of town layout or in the big shopping centres.
Member in the Egyptian Engineers syndicate since Current academic Position: Ass. The centrality of the mosque and markets is one of the chief morphological common characteristics of traditional Islamic cities throughout the Islamic world. Many researchers who have discussed Islamic architecture have concentrated on mosques and markets which constitute the core of the Islamic city.
Indeed, they generally did not deal with the principles that brought them together, nor do they provide an analysis of spatial form. The researcher is convinced that a prerequisite to understanding Islamic architecture is the proper interpretation of its main values and principles. This certainly holds true for traditional societies, where human activities were guided by distinct spiritual values which thus succeeded in permeating the whole built environment.
This research studies some basic principles in Islamic religion and its spatial implications within the traditional Muslim cities. It must be established at the outset that the researcher is neither a scholar nor an academician in Islamic theology. Muslims are required to remember God in every word they say and every act they do, including buying and selling. Thou has not created this in vain! This position of the mosque in the traditional city, consequently provided an impressive and overwhelming sense of peace and tranquility in contrast to the adjoining noisy and busy streets.
The planning of the traditional Islamic city provides for both inner spiritual needs, symbolized in the Mosque and needs for a decent and prosperous life, revealed in the location of the nearby market. And do not seek to cause corruption in the earth, by committing acts of disobedience. One could say that the strength of Islam lies precisely in the interconnection of both worlds: the temporal and the timeless, which operate and is expressed in very practical terms.
According to Islam, human factors are acknowledged and accepted. Worldly concerns, motives and desires are in no way ignored, belittled or condemned, but rather transcended by their integration into a comprehensive religious system, the prime objective of which is to interconnect the temporal and the timeless, the earthly existence being seen as a transient emanation of eternal life. Bianca, As a rule, the public spaces lack the rigid layout and allow for a high degree of interaction between the various social activities, including religious functions.
The Mosque, as the main public core, is usually embraced by markets, and together they form a coherent architectural complex. The transition from the secular to the sacred spheres, both contained within the same public section of the urban fabric, is accomplished by a few steps, which allows for easy interaction between the Mosque and the market. Some times markets are integral parts of the Mosques. Occasionally when the inside area of the any mosque is not adequate, the excess number of people use the pathways of the suqs for their prayers.
By surveying, analyzing, and examining small and large traditional Muslim cities, Mosques and markets are modest and their beauty stem from inside. Shopping areas could have common walls with Mosques and may be closely connected as being just underneath Mosques El Muayyad Mosque in Cairo.
The vast majority of the shops in the city are grouped in a central market or suq. The streets of the market are organized by craft or type of goods, colorful textiles, carpets, jewelries and so on. Sometimes the market, and less often parts of the through streets are shaded with awnings or roofs to provide shade, constructed from brick or stone vaulting or made of wood or simply clothes.
The close relationship between mosques and markets are simply an implication of the Muslim perception of life. Merchants and clients, rich and poor pray just side by side in rows in the nearest mosque, and then return to their mundane commercial and social activities afterwards in the suq. The American University in Cairo Press. Say: They are, in the life of this world, for those who believe, and purely for them on the Day of Judgment.
Thus do We explain the signs in detail for those who understand. Simplicity and inner beauty are common traits of most of the mosques and suqs. As in the suq near the zaytuna Mosque in Tunis, the suq surrounds the Mosque on its three other sides utilizing its structure for support of the vaulting system utilized for rows of shops. In addition to the main entrance, the mosque could be provided with nearly anonymous doors on the other facades. Arch I. Introduction The characteristics of the traditional centers are subject to a deformation due to the changes of life styles and preferences within time.
Eminonu, the historical center of Istanbul, is also entered to a deterioration period and lost its attractiveness by time. The lack of cultural activities that have an important role for urban attractiveness and security especially at night hours is an important problem.
Oruc, Determination of the Sample Areas In order to determine the quarters representing the Eminonu District, the indicators related to the economic and physical structures were gathered and evaluated by quick cluster analysis method. By clustering the 33 neighbourhoods, 4 groups have been obtained. Averages of the annual increment rates of the indicators found out in the quarters representing Eminonu District have been taken and an urban vitality ranking has been made for evaluating the physical, social and economic transformation of the district.
These values have been calculated as follows respectively. The residential unit rental increment rates are less than that of the business units. In the Eminonu District there is an increase in the manufacturing and storage functions in addition to commercial ones, residential areas are of less preference. The greatest increase is in Cankurtaran and Kucukayasofya, where the intense historical pattern is comparably preserved and commercial area distribution is more uniform Table II. Considering the rental increases in the business units, the highest increase was expected to be in Mercan, Hobyar and Tahtakale, where commerce, accompanied by manufacturing, is the only function.
This increase however took place in Cankurtaran and Suleymaniye where the urban space qualities are much better Table III. In the urban vitality evaluations, the existence of trade function is an important parameter. The adverse change of commercial areas in Alemdar, Hobyar, Mercan and Suleymaniye proved that there is a functional conversion in those areas.
The value increase can be related with the increasing wholesale trade areas in Nisanca, and intensifying traditional commerce in Cankurtaran Table V. There is an evident drop in the number of residential units in , when compared to This adverse change shows that the quarters are no more chosen as a place to live, and the residential units were converted to manufacturing sites, storing sites or commercial units Table VI.
Population values were taken from the census counts in , , and Institute of Science and Technology. On the other hand, the increase seen at Mimar Hayrettin resulted from the increase on the trade areas. In this region where leather manufacturing and wholesale shops located, there is a transformation in the existing dwelling areas to the wholesale and manufacture shops and warehouses. It will not be fair if the average value observed in this quarter deemed as urban vitality. Since the whole and retail sales are given together in the relevant data, even if the ultimate value shows a positive change, such a result can not be considered as an urban vitality.
Furthermore, trade function- if not supported by the other usage areas- can give a dynamism to its region only in certain hours of the day. She is director of the Restoration Program. Cunda Island is an important historic town in Turkey, situated on southern end of the Gulf of Edremit in the Aegean Sea. Cunda and its surroundings are important archaeological regions and remnants dating as far back as the Bronze Age have been found5.
The antique city of Nesos, located on the southern part of the island, was known to be active during the Hellenic, Roman, and Byzantine periods. With time the city lost its importance and a new town called Moshonisi was established in the 10th century. But this will not happen, because Fico is not alone. How could this happen? Well, one cannot avoid to think about the process of the enlargement of the EU. It took very long time to prepare, but judged by the outcome, it was either terribly mismanaged or premature or maybe even both. There was a good case for enlarging the EU immediately after the Cold War — in a similar manner in which Germany was unified.
The enlargement of the EU as it was organized later was based on the assumption that countries meeting a set of legal and economic criteria were fit to join. It should be obvious by now, that it was a terrible mistake with potentially fatal consequences for the whole of EU. But there is another mistake which builds upon it even further. This resides in the fact that the opulent development aid the new EU countries have been awarded is largely managed by themselves, thus supporting above all the home-grown corrupted political and economic elites.
What happened is that the CEE countries managed to avoid building a good quality media, strong civil society and political parties firmly rooted in traditional European ideologies while successfully pretending so within the legal and economic boundaries the EU has charted. The new political and economic elites thrive, building upon the Soviet political culture of pretence, while democratic liberal virtues suffer.
As a matter of fact one has to wonder who had an interest in the enlargement of EU without strict measures taken to ensure that all the applicants are obliged to build a living, liberal democracy. Dissolving — at least a little bit — more principled western politicians with the pool of much more easily corruptible politicians coming from the new member states looks like a smart move from the perspective of western corporate and financial lobbies. Even if it was not a plan, it has worked in such a way very well. And this also gives us a clue what can be done next.
Since the solidarity only makes sense if it works both ways. But a revaluation of the cohesion policies should happen anyway. The funds should be used for a real cohesion, invested not into tumid infrastructure projects but into the development of strong independent media and strong civil society. Because only than we can have fact based public debate too, and only that the common European values of humanity might prevail over the Soviet tradition of pretence.
The only difference will be that in Greece external pressure thwarted progressive trends which were supposed to help Europe regain its momentum, whereas in Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary it could eliminate the rotten nationalist backwardness, which no one in Europe cares about anymore. Looking from the outside, it appears to be a deadlock, because there are no clever ideas about how to settle this crisis beyond the so-called Minsk process. Very soon, we will need a new round of very intense diplomatic work to specify and clarify Minsk commitments and to sign a new treaty.
Russian soldiers should pull out of Ukraine and Russian authorities should stop supporting the rebels. Why is it so difficult to achieve any lasting agreement? Because so-called rebels and so-called Republics are a political reality and for Russia abandoning them would mean a political failure and actual defeat. Do I understand correctly that supporting the rebels in eastern Ukraine was a mistake made by the Kremlin? I try not to be a journalist to decide whether it was good or bad decision. I see it as a chain of moves which partly or even mostly were not pre-planned. The situation developed step by step, from one reaction to the next.
The consequence we see is not satisfactory at all, of course. But it happened. What would be an ideal solution of the current situation from the Kremlin perspective? Ideally, it would a transformed Ukrainian statehood which would allow more autonomy at least for Donbas and some kind of a deal — maybe with Ukrainians, but rather with Americans — which would say that NATO membership for Ukraine is not on the agenda.
Why do you think that West should accept such solution? You said that withdrawing from Ukraine would be humiliating to Russia, but agreeing to a partitioning of Ukraine would be humiliating to the West. Of course, the situation when Crimea is de facto Russian is a challenge to the reputation of the West, but unfortunately the only way to change it is war. If NATO would be ready to fight for Crimea and Ukrainian integrity, then of course the situation would be completely different. This means that in one form or another it should be settled. Crimea is a long lasting problem, which might be settled one beautiful day, but certainly not soon.
Are you saying that Russian authorities would be ready to start a war over Crimea? Is its prestige so important for Russia? No doubt about it. What motivation then does Moscow have to settle this crisis? Why would they do it if maybe — as some commentators in the West say — destabilizing Ukraine in a long run was the main goal behind starting this conflict? Russia is not interested in taking this part of Ukraine. Secondly, the situation in Donbas is very bad and Russia is ready to support these territories, but not indefinitely. And, due to its economic problems, it would be better for Moscow to find a solution, to at least share the burden and to reintegrate Donbas into Ukraine, but on different conditions.
Thirdly, the economic sanctions are having an impact and Moscow would like to stop them, but not at any cost. From what you are saying it seems that the war in Donbas is some kind of accident, whereas in the West the major narrative says that this was deliberately started by Mr. Putin to create a land corridor from Russia to the Crimea.
Being here, my feeling is that a clear aim for policy vis-a-vis eastern Ukraine never existed. There were different ideas starting from non-intervention and ending with a full-scale military invasion back in the spring You can see the difference: in case of Crimea — whatever you think of it — a clear decision was made and rapidly executed. As a result, Crimea is de facto a part of Russia.
In eastern Ukraine no clear decision was made, no clear strategy developed and implemented. And we can see the result — no-one knows what will happen next. Are you saying that a crisis that may destabilize the whole Europe was not a deliberate decision, but a result of a chain of events nobody actually controls? A chain of events which no-one is in full control of. It started even before the Maidan protests during the struggle between Russia and the EU as to which camp Ukraine should belong to.
On the other hand, some recent decisions taken by the Kremlin — such as sentencing Oleg Sentsov to 20 years of imprisonment or the proposition to build an air base in Belarus — seem to prove exactly the opposite. Would you still say that president Putin is not interested in escalating the conflict? We should make a distinction — there is a very particular conflict in eastern Ukraine and this is what I meant it when I wrote about the lack of will to escalate it.
I believe Russian elites are tired of it and would like to at least freeze it, or find a solution, but not at any cost. As for what you say, you need to remember that this is a bilateral process of mutual provocations. Russia has the right to built an air-base in Belarus, as the two countries are allies.
This is a typical quasi-cold war type of exchange, yet during the cold war it was much more regulated, because everybody knew rules of confrontation. You say that Russia will not benefit from escalating the conflict, but it might be beneficial personally to Mr. After all that has happened in Ukraine, we need a solution which would allow both sides to compromise mutually. But is it a fight for Russian prestige or personal prestige of Mr.
Putin in order to allow him to remain in power? Putin is demonized as a genius or a devil. Now, people believe, which means the propaganda touches sentiments which are there even without it. One of the leitmotifs when discussing Russian politics in Western media is the position of Vladimir Putin.
We hear such predictions quite often, but so far none of them proved to be true. And all those articles are interesting to read, but nothing more. How then would you reply to a question — is Vladimir Putin going to lose his power soon? No way. I see no reasons why you would expect things to develop this way in the foreseeable future. But the crisis of the Russian model of development is obvious. It was obvious even before the Ukrainian collision. Already, when Putin returned to power in , he was aware that something needs to be done to reinvigorate development of Russian society, economy and political system.
He tried to find something, but unfortunately he failed. In this regard, the Ukrainian crisis served as an escape, because it changed the situation completely and boosted patriotic feelings. Yet it did not solve the initial problem — what is the basis for Russian development in the future. Now, we see a lot of signs that this question is becoming more and more acute, though it has no direct link to the personal position of the president. Even if the economic situation deteriorates further this will not have any political consequences for the Russian authorities?
Due to the difficulties in relations between the West and Russia, is there any plan in Moscow to approach other allies? BRICS is not an alternative way of economic development. It is not a consolidated and unified entity. It is an interesting framework of developing non-western approaches to international problems. It is not anti-western — in fact Russia is the most anti-western of all of the countries, others are not interested in confrontation with the West.
But even without the Ukrainian crisis that would be an inevitable part of Russian development, because Asia is playing a more and more important role in international relations and economic development. In these circumstances, it would be strange not to have active Asian policy, which in fact Russian never had before. But there are at least two problems with Russian relations with the biggest Asian country, China.
And I mean it is a problem, because for a more or less balanced economic development we really need Chinese investment, Chinese technologies and its people. Politically, however, it is slightly different. We still see that China has difficulty in behaving like a great power. The Chinese body, so to say, is much bigger than Chinese brain.
That is one of the advantages Russia has over China. The other is that China now seems to be under a lot of pressure from the United States. Frankly, I do not understand American foreign policy when they simultaneously put pressure on Russia and China, pushing them closer together. Kissinger and Nixon knew very well that first of one needs to separate China and Soviet Union. China is concerned about relations with the U.
Russia will need to make a pivot to Asia just as the U. Recently, an international poll was published by the Pew Research Center. Does this deteriorating image have any influence on Russian politics? Is it even noticed? It does not have much impact, because the psychology of the Russian people and their political establishment unfortunately leads them to look at the outside world as hostile. This is very much rooted in historical experience.
Hostility is then seen as normal. Adrian Wooldridge: Nothing. There was an idea that the sharing economy was a socialist enterprise and now we see similar enterprises being driven by big companies that want to make money out of it. People who want to treat the sharing economy just as a sort of a big commune can still share tools, clothes or other spare resources in a non-commercial way.
The rise of capitalism version of it does not necessarily squeeze out these other versions. What is really driving the sharing economy is information, the fact that it is constantly easier to share and communicate. Precisely, to have a successful business in sharing economy you need to have a lot of information on your clients. And the more information you have the the more people join your service. It goes against your claim, that you can have both: small sharing communities and big corporations as these types of services necessarily become monopolized by a few companies. What the sharing economy does, is allow us to tap into underutilised or unused resources.
Information is one important asset in the process. Another one, however, is simply proximity to the products you exchange. Definitely, the trend of the flexible economy is to put most risks on the employee and remove them from the employer. We definitely need to address this issue. They are taking us back to the 19 th century by undermining the structure of the welfare state we have created over the last decades.
If you have a regular job as a taxi driver, pay certain amount of taxes, and enjoy a stable relationship with you employer, you may see your rights threatened by the arrival of Uber. So one group of workers are right to feel threatened by this flexible economy, but lots of other people get may benefit from it. On the other hand Uber tries to abuse the system, by avoiding paying taxes and insurance for its employees. We therefore need to adapt our legislation to the arrival of flexible economy, in which the 40 hour work week is disappearing. Author: gotcredit.
This type of business model shifts much of the risk to employees. Definitely the trend of the flexible economy is to put most risks on the employee and remove them from the employer. In this case one solution might be to allow Uber drivers to team together in order to get a collective insurance.
In other words we could use old fashioned 19th century methods such as mutual benefit societies in collaborating for cheaper insurance. As a result Uber may be forced be to finance all their benefits and all taxes for them. The problem is that a big incentive for many people to work with Uber is flexibility and if they are classified as employees it will be much harder to get flexible working hours.
You should also remember that Uber is heavily investing in automate driving — driverless cars — to lower their cots even further. Many economists claim that today work has become less and less secure, which lead to a creation of a new social class, precariat. Job insecurity is also thought to be one of the major reasons behind social unrest and impatience with capitalism.
And here we have another substantial chunk of economy that provides insecure jobs. Maybe we should simply ban such companies as Uber as the French did? The arrival of the sharing economy is introducing much more efficiency into a part-time economy that already exist. There is a sort of essential paradox of capitalism: sometimes what looks like security actually creates insecurity and what looks like insecurity actually creates more security. If you actually use a more flexible approach and make it easier to fire people, it will make companies more willing to take people as full-time, proper employees.
Britain, which has taken a more flexible approach to jobs, could be used as a example of a precarious economy. Yet it has also created a lot more jobs than France over the last decade. And what about taxation? The companies we discuss usually do not pay taxes in the countries in which they operate and the profits are automatically sent abroad. This challenge is even greater than it seems. Not only these companies want to pay no taxes, but also their workers want to pay as few taxes as possible.
This creates huge potential hole in the taxation system which could result in substantial pension shortfalls. We need to find ways of making the taxation system more flexible. In the United States there is a sharp distinction between an employee who works 40 hours a week and a contract worker, like a plumber.
I think we need to treat flexible workers more like employees so that they pay their taxes. We also need to improve tax efficiency — treat all labor as in some way equivalent, but also put greater emphasis on Business Activity Tax.
Anybody whose job involves polling information, looking at patterns in information, processing information is very likely to be replaced by machines. In my view there are two major factors that will change the job market in the future: ongoing automatization — which will decrease the number of people needed for doing the same job — and insecurity. It might happen in many areas, but on the other hand you can also see a tendency towards greater specialization.
What I find more disturbing, however, is an ongoing revolution in the knowledge economy and in the service economy which is every bit as dramatic as the revolution in the industrial economy during the 19th century and which displace or disorientate workers in exactly the same sort of way but at probably faster speed. And these machines are getting cleverer and more powerful at an extraordinary rate. We are about witness a massive process of job destruction in the knowledge economy. There is a good side of it, the productivity is going up and some of the biggest costs for every modern society — such as costs of the health care or education systems — can be brought under control.
The modern technology provides some solutions to the problems that it creates. Today we can more easily retrain ourselves, remain up to date and find new jobs. As we already said companies such as Uber, Airbnb, Lyft, etc. Does it mean that in the future we will be forced share private information only to participate in the job market? Besides the automatization problem the privacy issue is the biggest worry in modern economy. On the 6 th of October , a secret meeting between Maxim Litvinov , the Soviet Vice Minister for Foreign Affairs, and a certain American journalist took place.
One to one, they spoke about the complexities of international politics at the end of World War II, the future of Poland among them. The Soviet diplomat claimed that the Polish government in exile, based in London, aspired to return to the ideals of imperialism taken straight from the 16 th and 17 th centuries. Their meeting coincided with the total collapse of the Warsaw uprising, which ended with Soviet soldiers staring across the Vistula as German forces turned the Polish capital into a sea of rubble. And yet the underrated international politics expert Juliusz Mieroszewski — , writing for the seminal Polish journal Paryska Kultura, warned us not to take the above exchange of opinions too seriously.
At first, it seems nothing more than geopolitical nonsense. After the failure of the Warsaw uprising, Poles could dream about a great many things, but certainly not about rebuilding their great Jagiellonian empire to the East. The recent declaration of this national day of celebration by — let us not forget — Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin himself stunned not only many Russians, who previously had little inkling of such distant historical events, but also surprised a number of politicians in Poland.
To celebrate Poles being chased away from the Kremlin, hundreds of years ago, is to go directly against Western trends of promoting inter-national unity. The recent squabbles over the air disaster involving the Russian-made Tu presidential plane, which killed the then president Lech Kaczynski, have also of late been affected by historical conditioning. That which is claimed to be an objective review of the situation in the East has in fact nothing to do with a calm and clear evaluation of international dynamics.
It represents, in fact, emotions in their purest possible state. It is true to say that these emerge out of a tangible trauma which has affected previous generations of Poles. Yet, they certainly do not help us promote more effective international relations, such as a more successful intervention in Ukraine.
When presented in this way, historical events appear to be quite clear. There is no need to waste time studying the complex power structures in a globalised world or to go recalling the noble list of Russian dissidents. Individual faces begin to fade from the picture — there is no room here for subtle shades or nuances. As long as current disputes over who liberated Auschwitz — was it the Russians or the Ukrainians? This is how it has been for centuries, after all.
What are the consequences of such intense desire to find links between our past and our present? It is stereotypical presentations of the past which make it harder for us to effectively analyse our position in relation to the fighting in Ukraine or our ability to effectively function in the 21 st century. Meanwhile, the traditionally perceived powers of the Polish state are severely limited. Of course, Poland is modernising its armed forces. As much as we are able to afford them, we are purchasing American F jets and German Leopard tanks.
In the case of a real military conflict, these new purchases will certainly not be enough. All the more so since the anti-missile shield, which has been talked about for years, remains unbuilt — with Poland not being the only country to blame for the sorry state of affairs. However, it is unclear whether work will go ahead, seeing as Polish investments, even those key to national security, go on remaining firmly in the sphere of virtual ideas, or else drag on unfinished for years on end . Yet, once again, this is no time or place for Poles to nurse perceived wounds or bruised egos.
In a globalised world, cheap oil has an influence on the low prices charged for gas, hence the financial viability of certain investments. It is worth constantly keeping in mind that the keys to solving this crisis are held by the West, not Poland. Russia will keep pushing westwards as much as the EU states and the US will allow.
Moscow has already grabbed Crimea, Donetsk and Lugansk. There is no reason, in theory, as months go by and Kiev grows weaker, why the limits of their expansion should not move beyond Kharkiv and Dnipropetrovsk. Today, we have two key points of reference for our diplomacy — finding ourselves between disaster and a sizeable victory. One of the elements of our new eastern politics, apart from building a bloc of ally-states, was meant to be economic expansion. Theoretically — nothing left to add or take away. In practical terms — the proponents of such politics have experienced some nasty shocks several times this year.
At the start of , Jacek Krawiec announced that the Orlen refinery, which belongs to PKN, is today operating at the limits of profitability. The moral outrage experienced by our diplomats can further be amplified by certain practical aspects. If, in order to cover the cost of losses in Lithuania — in the name of some fantasy about energy security — PKN Orlen is to pump serious amounts of cash from Poland, then the idea of expansion should quickly be terminated.
This is to say that very few in the West are interested in what Poles might have to say about Russia. This summit turned out to be the most important moment of Polish diplomacy in the West — when the Polish minister, along with his French and German counterparts, jointly represented the EU and tried to find a peaceful end to the crisis, alongside Viktor Yanukovych. He was helped in this by pressure being put upon Paris by Berlin and Warsaw, until the French foreign office agreed to change plans and cancel a business trip to China. Of course, being removed from any further discussions on the future of the Ukrainian crisis is a clear failure on the part of the Polish foreign office.
What must be noted, however, is that we have learnt how important and useful it can be to revisit, in reference to Ukrainian politics, the idea of the Weimar Triangle , so frequently derided in the days since Politicians and journalists have spent days conducting ridiculous debates about the sending of armed forces to support Ukrainian independence, while no one has yet come up with any meaningful solutions.
For example: how to support the presentation of the Kiev position — not only for politicians, but before all public opinion in the West? Though it is hard to believe, Russians seem to know the West better than us in terms of propaganda. The Kremlin is conducting a full-on assault on mass media, if not to achieve a perfect, then at least an acceptable public image. The ambassadors of foreign affairs for Moscow are businesspeople, artists and scientists. There is nothing surprising, therefore, in that regardless of how the death toll rises on the eastern front, various authoritative voices continue to support the Kremlin in the West .
The breaching of new agreements following another Minsk summit meeting change nothing. In many Western states Ukraine is simply losing the information and public image war. For them, the first question is always going to be whether the postulates of the Polish nation are in line with their interests, not what is best for us.
Hence, it is now time to adapt an appropriate tactic in order to ensure national security. And since has presented us with the template of the Kiev summit, then Polish diplomatic core should be focused on that in the coming years. Diplomacy in terms of conducting effective foreign policy in East cannot keep forgetting how important public image in the West continues to be. Euromaidan is behind us, along with the brief explosion of political enthusiasm which followed.
Today, Ukraine has become the poorest nation in Europe, its eastern borders the scene of continual fighting. Is our alliance with Kiev motivated by anything other than shared fear of the power of the Kremlin? Can we then, regardless of political declarations, talk about light and dark aspects of our co-operation?
It is with the intention of attempting to answer the above questions that we have prepared the following set of texts. The article met with a very lively response and was heavily commented upon. Some of these responses are published in this volume. We also turn to various experts for opinions, asking about the weight of history in relation to Poland and Ukraine in the 21 st century, about the importance of nationalism in this conflict, and finally about the chaos which seems to have been introduced by the methodologies of modern information warfare. We hope that this collection of texts will help bring some order to the debate around the events of the past two years.
Schetyna, published in Polska The Times, th of February Wigura, K. Holmes, I. X, no. Zielonka and J. Kuisz, published in Liberal Culture, no. Kuisz, K. He was one of the leaders of the illegal Solidarity movement, during the state of martial law in , and founded the underground Radio Solidarity in Wroclaw, for which he was imprisoned between He also took part in the Orange Alternative events. How are the times of the transformation perceived by both younger and older generations? GB: Is there a moment in the way you recall the year which represents a sense of definite change, one which could form the basis of a national holiday or celebration?
And if such moments were missed, then why? On the one hand, we were convinced then that we are dealing with events of epic importance, totally fundamental and positive, and on the other, one could feel the disorientation, confusion or even lethargy. At the time, we had no idea, though today we know the process of the Transformation ended with the introduction of radical market reforms, which then led to many thousands of people feeling humiliated and marginalised. At the same time, in the current narratives dedicated to those events there appears an ultra-optimistic tone, along with the conviction that these were wonderful, grand, historical achievements, ones which should be recognised and valued all over the world.
And now speaking totally seriously, I am afraid that it is no longer possible to create a sense of unity around the events of the 4 th of June, and thereby turning the date into something akin to Bastille Day in France or Independence Day in the US. All the more so when we consider , when we did truly witness an authentic, grass-roots revolution, a time of total euphoria for the whole of the nation. And so the last moment which could be turned into a national holiday is not the 4 th of June, but the signing of the Gdansk accords? JP: If we are looking to pinpoint a time when communism was finished, in my opinion this took place on the 31 st of August , when the Gdansk agreements were signed.
Even though the state of martial law prolonged communist rule by a good few years, we can definitely think about the August accords as the Polish knocking down of the Bastille. A transformative moment of the spiritual fall of the old authoritarian regime is the appearance of Solidarity in Tthis can be felt in language itself: talking about this time, we make reference to a carnival. This is, I think, the time of true founding, and hence totally pivotal for Polish democracy. What sort of civic moods can Jacek Borcuch remember from his own experiences of ?
Can you recall any sort of visual symbol of this transformation? Our exams were symbolic, exceptional, because we could feel that once they are over, we would enter a completely different world to the one our parents and grandparents lived in. And this to us was valuable. I remember that enthusiasm. We did not experience subtle, intellectual disputes about the nature of the nation. Back then, at 19, we were happy to be free, something which we associated with symbolic aspects — for example, our borders being once again open.
This is perhaps a simplification of the memories to something very basic, but I remember that very clearly.
I found the changes rather intimidating, seeing as someone had decided to offer me the whole world on a plate, while I had spent my whole school years preparing for something completely different. We were busy living in the playground, with girls, books, not taking part in the political debate — we were too small for this.
Having been shipped out as an 18 year old at the start of the conflict, she then worked in some kind of chocolate factory. She remembers that time as the most wonderful period of her life, because this was the time she blossomed into an adult. For me, is the same sort of watershed. Back then, my boyish enthusiasm won over. I remember, on the 4 th of June some cats were born in the basement of my house.
It was wild, we were young, and then… we went to vote. Why did you decide, when shooting your film, to not focus on any particular point in that year? You show a vision of changes taking place smoothly, without any sort of breakthrough moment. Was this your intention from the start? MB: That is how I remember that year, hence why I wanted to show it in that fashion.
From the very start, I thought it was a year of ambivalent emotions, a year of chaos, intermixed with enthusiasm. And it was this very aspect, that that time was so complex in terms of emotional experience, which seemed interesting to me as I worked on the film. And later, as if moving step by step towards the event, trying to understand why some feel offended, while others defend the meaning of those days, is when I realised that it is necessary to show it in as neutral a light as possible.
MB: It turned out to be laborious, although I thankfully had fantastic researchers and I think that we managed to uncover a lot of interesting material. This is not at all simple, because there have been numerous films made about I wanted to contrast this sort of footage with material from the Polish film archive, which is defined by a certain kind of undecided narration — as if its authors were unsure whether they should be celebrating or not, whether they could mock that which was happening all across the country, which side to take.
I am interested in the gaps in this story — were you able to access archives which contain materials relating to certain events? There was a series of his appearances during televised news, or just afterwards, when he explained why things were so bad. Changes were taking place so quickly, that not many could keep up with them. But it was hard trying to track down those records. When taking on the task of creating a film covering the whole of , did you not feel the pressure of expectations — from either critics or audiences — regarding the creation of a complete metaphor of the transformation process?
MB: It is hard to answer this question. I remember that, for about 10 years after , we kept hearing that Polish cinema is still waiting for a portrait of those days — waiting for film makers to wake up and show what had happened, to explain the world which surrounds us. I had the sense that we were waiting for a synthesis. They accompanied all of the films which were made about the Transformation. Criticisms were levelled at them, accusations of political bias, glorification of violence, or submitting to needs to make genre cinema, while the s are often talked about as a time of crisis in Polish film making.
I have the impression that part of this dissatisfaction comes from an unanswered need for a grand, complete metaphor of the transformation. Maybe one of the reasons for this lack was bitterness about the transition process expressed by its previous enthusiastic supporters? JB: I think that this was when Polish cinema freed itself from that metaphor. But then the s brought with them hyper-realism, which made it possible to show good and bad political policemen — at that time, mostly bad — but also ordinary people, to show reality in any way the film maker chose.
This crisis was not therefore down to an inability to create a metaphor. No one was interested in using such devices. All we wanted to do was shoot film. We were also excited by all that was suddenly reaching us from the West. The language of cinema back then became vulgar. MB: Among those artists who spoke at the Gdynia film festival, whose recordings I found while researching my film, I listened to Jacek Skalski, who expressed the hope that it would no longer be necessary to build films out of metaphors.
Before then, there was a lot of talk around subjects, and so it was important to try and address things directly after This too is not that easy. And did Polish documentary film makers quickly free themselves from this weight of expectation — the need to build a metaphor? What in your opinion are the most important documentaries from the s, showing the process of transformation? It shows a certain moment when collective emotions were given free reign — like the people who were outside the Congress Hall and wanted to throw stones.
The film shows that they are really ready to do this — which makes an impression on the audience. Which film from the s is the best depiction of the spirit of those times? JP: This is a problem affecting not only film, but literature also. If we were to try and right now answer the question: which book shows us a true picture of those times, would we be able to find one?
Do please note that no one reads poetry in the same way we read it in the s, back in my day. I think if we tried today to find out a true picture of the world, of society in literature, we would have the same problem as with film. It shows a certain honest version of reality back then. A new reality, absent from the press or from television.
He showed its aspects — in a way which was a little extreme — which was back then considered taboo. I remember, during a screening in a cinema full to the rafters, I could feel something akin to the classic experience of catharsis: we go to the cinema in order to see something which will cleanse you; this is terrible, but after the screening you leave strengthened.
I want to go back to a point raised by Jacek Borcuch, about looking for a filmic language, with which it is possible to talk about the times of the transformation. JB: There is right now a pop-culture trend for all things s, perhaps because these are the years of childhood experienced by most thirty-somethings.
Today, many artists, especially in animation or graphic design, are drawing on those times. Young architects and other artists are beginning to realise that world was not all black and white. I think that this trend is a manifestation of longing for an as-yet untold history, that perhaps there exists a space which can be utilised.
And this happens in a variety of ways. I wanted to talk about music. Grown-ups had their Solidarity badges, while we expressed ourselves through a form of music which was becoming more and more accepted. A sizeable majority of songs from the early s talked about a longing for freedom.